Natty Dread who goes to Minna and Rascality, Prince Charles Dickson – Thage

Prince Charles Dickson Ph.D.

When you are reading this, we would have had a good laugh of the belly, even some or more people would have been arrested, they had to have cut the hair from too zealously a security staff. It is Nigeria, the act done, we would have moved on to the next question.

Minna, the capital of the state of Niger, has to face authentic security-stone challenges, culture and drug-related crimes requires urgent action.

However, the executive order of the Governor Mohammed Bago on the delinquents (22/04/2025) responds to these problems with measures that violate the legal standards, human rights and constitutional principles in a flagrant way.

While the intention of restoring the order is understandable, the provisions of the order exemplify the executive overcoming, collective punishment and a dangerous contempt for the right process.

Let me say quickly that I am not a lawyer … and I’m not sure I have to be one to share my fact: based opinions.

The most eclaid clauses of the executive order contravene the establishment of Nigeria and international standards for human rights: extrajudicial killings and collective punishment (clause 1): to declare that individuals found with weapons (even sticks) should be “treated as armed thieves” and killed, with families accused of bullets, violan section 33 of the Constitution, they guarantee life.

It also implies a collective punishment, outlawed pursuant to international law. These measures normalize violence sanctioned by the state and erode public trust.

I don’t want to talk about the criminalization aspect (clause 2) is a profound testimony of how our thoughts were wired. The citizens of arrest for Dreadlocks – a cultural and religious symbol for many – breaks on personal freedom (section 34) and freedom of expression (section 39).

The targeting of the hairstyles is discriminatory and marginalization of fuels, similar to oppressive policies passed such as the “war against the indiscipline” of 1984 of Nigeria. That’s why it hasn’t been successful and it’s not about being successful now.

How about the property rights and the right trial (clause 6): the demolished houses without orders of the court violates the protection of section 44 against the mandatory acquisition of the property. In the same way, confiscated vehicles (clause 10) circumvent judicial supervision, making the state both accuser and judge.

I can say that on the curfews and on the overcoming (clauses 3, 9): while the curfews can be legitimate divisions, covered on Okada/Keke Napep without consulting low -income workers in an disproportionate way. Centralizing “Operation Flush” under the Governor politicizes the security agencies, risking abuses.

And on the erosion of judicial independence (clause 7): establish “special courts” under the risks of supervision of the chief judge who undermine judicial impartiality, since accelerated trials can compromise the Equal Hearing (section 36).

These clauses reflect a worrying trend: governance by decree, not the law.

The logic of the order – which these are crime through fear – is both ineffective and non -ethical. The story shows that heavy tactics, like our approach not too far in the Sars unit, worsens violence and alienation.

Uprongating the sticks with firearms, the order inhumanizes young people, many of whom are victims of systemic abandonment. Demolish the houses and arrest of the leaders of the community (Claus 5–6) Capii deducting ignoring the factors of the elite crime.

Worse still, distracts attention from the government’s inability to face the causes of the root: unemployment, poor education and institutional corruption.

The absurdity of these measures recalls a story of a lawyer who has sold a well to a teacher, just to insist later that the water was not included.

When the teacher threatened to charge the water rental, the lawyer retired, exposing the madness of this exploitation logic.

The Order of Governor Bago reflects this hypocrisy: weapons legal technicalities to strip citizens of rights, just like the empty affirmation of the lawyer on the well of the well. But just as the teacher shot the tables, the people of Minna can – and must – to issue this overcoming. The contradictions of the order reveal its fragility; The collective resistance can force responsibility, since the witness of the teacher has made the greed of the lawyer.

Sustainable solutions require to face the socio-economic drivers of the crime and restore trust. Now my dear governor and brother … to my Gallo Cedrone. I have a terror and I’m not a criminal

I think you could have resorted to the community’s police activities: trains agents to work with local leaders, groups of young people and NGOs to identify the risks in collaboration. A better approach and initiative that can reduce crime through dialogue and sharing of intelligence.

How much has your government invested in professional programs, public education and job creation? For example, how many schemes are currently running to curb culture by offering alternatives to crime.

To tell the truth, I continue to affirm that the strengthening of the existing courts to manage cases quickly guaranteeing equity is better than mobile courts and an improvement in legal assistance services can improve access to justice without sacrificing rights.

At the center of these increases in crime rates is the threat of drugs, I dare to say, replacing punitive policies on drugs with approaches focused on health. Partnerships with NGO can provide support for consultancy and reintegration.

At the center of all the repercussions there is also the fact that there is an intrinsic defect in the political communication methodology.

The authoritarian rhetoric of the governor Bago deepens the divides. Better political communication: to involve citizens: keep the municipalities to co-creating political with affected communities. Promote transparency: publish data on crime and budget allocations for safety initiatives. Avoid stigmatization: replace inflammatory language (e.g. “Thugs”) with terms that recognize systemic failures.

The executive order of Minna replaces tyranny for justice. True security cannot be built on violated rights and collective punishment.

By embracing dialogue, equity and responsibility, the state of Niger can face its challenges without sacrificing the rule of law.

Like Bob Marley, the same “Natty Dread”, once he sang: “Until the philosophy that contains a higher breed and another lower is finally discredited, wherever war is”. Let the war on Minna’s crime does not become a war on her people, she can win Nigeria!

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